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Furthermore, there have been very few attempts to outline social citizenship in more concrete terms in the fifty years since Marshall s essay was published. As such, according to Martin Powell, it is difficult to see exactly which concepts best characterize social citizenship, let alone which indices measure the extent of their change over time. A related criticism is that the imprecise nature of the term has allowed it to become too elastic. For example, Anthony Rees has warned of the possibility that the concept will disintegrate into a cacophony of unrelated tunes, cross-cutting and obscuring each other.

One answer to this is that conceptual vagueness or openness is not inherently a problem but rather can be productive or destructive depending on the circumstances. The important question is whether the concept of citizenship is precise enough to actually mean something whilst remaining open enough to allow it to be to a variety of specific circumstances.

In this respect, it is important to note that for Marshall the various components of citizenship are not fixed but rather develop over time through political processes:. There is no universal principle that determines what those rights and duties shall be, but societies in which citizenship is a developing institution create an image of an ideal citizenship against which achievement can be measured and towards which aspiration can be directed.

The further point for Marshall is that social rights are of a different character to civil and political rights because they cannot be precisely defined. Public expectations can also be influenced by the ways in which issues are framed by various interests.

Marshall developed the idea of social citizenship at a time when unemployment was low and full employment was an objective of most Western governments. Full employment was not only regarded as an end in itself but was also crucial in securing the financial base for the institutions of the welfare state.

These institutions were never intended as a form of long-term support. The assumption was that unemployment would be short-term and that those unable to work as a result of disability or old age would be supported by the expanding workforce. Further, at this time, much elderly and child care was provided within the family. However, the assumption of full employment and, more broadly, the financial underpinnings for welfare state institutions have been challenged over the past few decades as a result of a number of substantial social, political and economic changes.

Taylor-Gooby has summarised some of these changes as follows:. Globalisation weakened the authority of national governments to control exchange rates and regulate imports and exports. It reinforced pressures to manage national affairs including social spending with the object of enhancing competitiveness in a freer world market The demands of emerging political groups, and especially of women, challenged the male worker welfare state and required an expansion of collective care services; additional pressures from expanding elderly populations, rising health care costs and fluctuations in employment intensified the problem of cost; the introduction of new technology threatened to render obsolete or export many of the jobs on which the core working class had relied for security and good living standards.

Indeed, in recent years in countries such as Australia there has been a marked shift towards private funding and provision of social services. Against this background, some might wish to question the continued relevance of the concept of citizenship to social policy. Another assumption made about society when the concept of social citizenship was developed was that the family made up of a male breadwinner, dependent female spouse and children formed the basic social unit.

As a result, feminist authors in particular have criticised Marshall s analysis on the grounds that it ignores the gendered nature of social citizenship. This has been criticised as failing to properly acknowledge the value of unpaid domestic labour while at the same time assuming that women would continue to play a dependent role within the family. This assumption has long since been overtaken by changes in the family and, more broadly, in relationships between men and women. Since the s there has been a rapid increase in the participation of married women in the paid workforce in Western countries.

As such, the basic social unit can be said to have shifted from the traditional family to the individual. There has also been a range of other social changes since the s such as increasing rates of divorce, changing gender roles and greater acceptance of sexual difference that have challenged traditional notions of family structure for example, blended families and families headed by same sex couples. As with the challenge to the assumption of full employment, these changes have made for a far more complex social environment than that which underpinned Marshall s conception of social rights.

Further, the feminist critique of social citizenship has highlighted a range of important questions for social policy. These include the question of how to address the central issue of citizenship equality of status in a way that properly accounts for differences in status between and the different expectations of men and women.

In England in the s, when Marshall developed the idea of social citizenship, it was possible to assume a relatively stable national community of citizens. There was little necessity to question precisely who qualified as a citizen because England at that time was characterised by a relatively unified population. However, soon after the end of World War II, population mobility meant that settled ideas of national community became increasingly difficult to sustain.

In Britain, immigration from former colonies began to change the composition of the population, while in Europe, war-time refugees and migrant workers began to have a similar effect. Over subsequent decades, assumptions about who could access the rights of citizenship were increasingly contested. Questions about nationality and citizenship have become even more relevant in recent decades as a result of economic globalisation and increasing mobility of populations across national boundaries.

This means that, in addition to the question of what rights are entailed by citizenship, the question of precisely who can access these rights has become a central question. Arguably, these tensions were always implied by the idea of citizenship. As Barbalet suggests, citizenship, as a question of membership in a national community, was always about exclusion as well as belonging. The point to be made here, however, is that the question of who is in and who is out has become an increasingly complex matter in recent decades.

A related controversial question in recent years has been how citizenship can take adequate account of ethnic, religious and other forms of socio-cultural diversity. Such critics have argued instead for differential rights of citizenship or cultural rights for particular groups. Others have suggested that differential rights are incompatible with the notion of equality of status and that, if they are to be employed at all, they should only ever be a temporary measure aimed at addressing inequality.

On the one hand, some of these institutions for example, the WTO have been criticised for diminishing the rights of citizens because citizens have only very indirect control over them through their governments. Again, the point is that notions of belonging and community in contemporary society are far more complex than the settled national community in Marshall s citizenship framework. In addition to its connection to a national community, the idea of citizenship is based on membership of a nation state. In Marshall s formulation, it was implicitly the state which provides the principal element in the maintenance and development of social rights, being the political instrument through which various political movements seek some redress of their circumstances through the legitimisation of their claims against society.

This point was clearly recognised by Marshall for whom, as noted above, the rights of social citizenship were for the most part contingent and developmental and also potentially reversible. However, what Marshall did not and arguably could not have foreseen and accounted for were the developments associated with globalisation, and the degree to which these have compromised the autonomy of nation states and their scope for manoeuvre. As noted above, in recent decades the ability of nation states to guarantee and deliver upon the social rights claims of their citizens has been seriously challenged, and delimited, by the forces of globalisation.

With the restructuring of global capitalism, nation states have had their economic autonomy constrained by international agreements and institutions such that local political decisions by the state may have very adverse consequences for the value of [their] currency within the international money markets. This is not to suggest that the social rights claims of citizens are any less legitimate as a result of a given nation state s reduced capacity to deliver on them.

Rather, it is to acknowledge that citizenship rights are only meaningful inasmuch as states are able to fulfil claims made against them. Marshall s account of social citizenship was developed at a time in which it was generally assumed that resources and economic growth were unlimited. Such assumptions have been under sustained challenge for at least four decades following the emergence of significant problems such as climate change, air pollution, water pollution and deforestation.

That such problems directly impact on the general wellbeing of citizens, raises a number of problems for conventional ideas of citizenship. One problem relates to the view that those who have not yet been born have a right to inherit a healthy environment with sufficient resources to meet their needs. According to such a view, membership of the community should have an intergenerational component. Citizenship means limiting the satisfaction of current needs in order to ensure that future needs can be met. There is a further view that aspects of the natural environment such as land, trees and animals are entitled to be considered within the framework of citizenship rights.

Finally, there is the point that environmental problems are not confined to national boundaries that is, national wellbeing can be determined by developments occurring beyond the nation state in which their impact is felt. Thus, green citizenship expands notions of citizenship across time, space and species. Given the limitations identified above, it is reasonable to ask whether social citizenship remains a relevant concept for social policy.

To what extent can a social citizenship framework accommodate the various social, cultural, political and economic changes that have occurred over the past sixty years? To what extent can social citizenship address central problems of the age related to, for example, relations between people and the environment, men and women and people from different cultural backgrounds?

For some, these issues pose substantial problems for Marshall s approach. The assumptions underpinning the world described by Marshall at best describe a particular time and place but cannot provide an adequate way of understanding the much more complex contemporary world. Thus, Barbalet has noted the tendency of most commentators [to] deride his account of citizenship. However, while it is undoubtedly true that Marshall failed to either address or anticipate a range of fundamentally important issues, it would be a mistake to take this as a reason to dismiss his work out of hand.

As Bellamy argues, the kinds of limitations described above:. They merely indicate how each attempt to realize a form of equal citizenship generates its own unanticipated shortcomings and problems producing new struggles over the way the political community, rights and participation are defined.

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As noted above, Marshall did not see the various components of citizenship as fixed but rather as subject to development over time through political processes. In Michael Lister s words, the specific nature of citizenship is the product of negotiation and compromise, creating tensions and accommodations. Arguably, then, while Marshall s social citizenship approach has some important theoretical and empirical shortcomings it remains a valuable way of conceptualising the various negotiations, compromises, tensions and accommodations associated with the making of social policy and creation of social policy institutions.

There will always be debate within a society over what should constitute the superstructure of legitimate expectations. The point is that debates occurring within the framework of citizenship and social rights are of a different character to those that occur outside such a framework. Above all, access to those things regarded as legitimate expectations is conferred as a right of citizenship, as part of the process of conferring equality of status, rather than, for example, as a result of random acts of benevolence from above. In other words, the concept of social rights implies both the various social and economic resources necessary for full and equal participation in the community and an ideal towards which citizens can direct their aspirations and measure their achievements.

It therefore implies that participation by citizens in their society is essential. As Ralf Dahrendorf argues, there is no more dynamic social figure in modern history than the citizen. Further, for some observers, the concept of social citizenship also implies that such participation occurs on the basis of social and moral equality.

Thus, Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon argue that:. Citizen and citizenship are powerful words. They speak of respect, of rights, of dignity. Consider the meaning and emotion packed into the French citoyen of , a word that condemned tyranny and social hierarchy, while affirming self-government and status equality The word has so much dignity it rarely appears in slang We find no pejorative uses. It is a weighty, monumental, humanist word.

The first section of this paper highlighted a number of criticisms of the social inclusion approach. The most important of these are:. These criticisms raise important questions about the value of social inclusion as a framework for social policy. It is not clear what the concept adds to existing approaches to social policy and, most importantly, there is the possibility that, by its very logic, it could have a limiting effect on the ambitions of social policy makers and citizens. Further, it offers nothing specific or concrete to those regarded as excluded as a mechanism for overcoming their exclusion.

In other words, social inclusion could potentially fall well short of promoting the level of participation necessary to address exclusion in a fundamental way. Nevertheless, as noted above, this is not to say that the concept of social inclusion cannot be developed along more fruitful lines. As also noted above, the definitional vagueness associated with the term suggests the possibility of such development in the same way that social citizenship was described above as being developed over time through public dialogue.

One feature of social inclusion that might provide the basis for such a dialogue is the fact that it appears to resonate strongly with many people. Goodin suggests that this may be because most people can identify on an instinctive level with the idea of being excluded:.

Full text issues

Talk of social exclusion serves to invoke deeply-rooted intuitions traceable all the way back to the schoolyard. We all keenly recall, from whatever temporal distance, the pain that can come from being cold-shouldered and maliciously cut out of the games of our schoolmates. Indeed, the great value of the concept lies in its promise to link together so many of our other social concerns, tracing them to common or anyway cognate causes and prescribing identical or anyway integrated cures. The most important question to be answered in relation to social inclusion, however, is how to draw on the instinctive attractiveness of the idea whilst at the same time finding a way of grounding this idea in a framework capable of giving rise to something substantial, tangible and in which people can be active participants.

That is, there must be clear opportunities and mechanisms through which people can give expression to their desire for inclusion. The idea of participation is central to many attempts to define social inclusion. However, a number of authors have gone further than this and argued that participation, rather than inclusion, should be the main focus of efforts to address social exclusion.

This point has probably been made most directly by Heinz Steinert. He argues that the concept of inclusion implies the necessity to conform with dominant social norms and demands. Steinert s definition of social exclusion therefore focuses directly on participation in a way that both affirms its centrality in human welfare and as the basis for people s involvement in the full range of activities associated with their welfare:. Social exclusion can thus be understood as the continuous and gradual exclusion from full participation in the social, including material and symbolic, resources produced, supplied and exploited in a society for making a living, organizing a life and taking part in the development of a hopefully better future.

Drawing on this approach, there is a need to understand the various ways in which people can participate in society. According to Millar, this implies an approach that is:. An important feature of this approach is that welfare is understood to be about the provision of resources for participation. Steinert relates this to the concept of social citizenship when he argues that social policy is not simply about material welfare but has an important civil and political dimension:. The provisions of the welfare state are more than means for material survival.

They are a decisive part of the infrastructure of social and political participation. This conception of social policy as a means for the provision of resources necessary for social and political participation can also be connected to the capabilities approach of Amartya Sen. An approach that emphasises participation may only take things part of the way.

The question then becomes: participation on whose terms and on what basis? What assurance does it provide that effort will be sustained, enduring and meaningful? This is where the idea of social citizenship may play a useful role. Importantly, though, under a social citizenship framework social resources are not granted by the state out of benevolence or other motives but rather are conferred as a right of citizenship.

That is, social rights, like civil and political rights, inhere equally to all citizens precisely as a result of their membership of the community. Further, social rights, like civil and political rights are regarded as essential to the full exercise of citizenship. In this respect, they can be considered as holding equal status to civil and political rights.

Civil, political and social rights can therefore be seen as different aspects of the same unified concept of citizenship. Further, social citizenship presents a rights-based framework against which citizens can develop aspirations, evaluate and compare policies and measure progress. The key question is whether the aspiration or policy constitutes a positive or negative contribution to overall participation and, hence, the practice of citizenship. Placing this in the context of citizenship, in terms of what is necessary for, and meaningful about, being a citizen, is a qualitatively different matter to the context of social inclusion.

The latter essentially limits its focus to the bundle of resources necessary for individuals and groups to be considered included. While this is no small matter, the concept of citizenship shifts focus to something greater than matters of equal entitlement to resources to something bigger than individuals and groups. That is, it focuses attention on such matters as: the quality of relationships between citizens, the distribution and mix of resources necessary for ensuring that such relationships are positive in nature, and, the extent to which the various ways in which particular resources are used impacts upon other citizens that is, social citizenship encompasses rights and duties.

Importantly, under the citizenship approach, such questions apply not only to those deemed to be marginalised, disadvantaged or excluded, but to all citizens. This alternative framework suggests that there would be some value in pursuing a social inclusion agenda grounded in the idea of social citizenship. This could take the form of specific entitlements for example, via legislation or non-legislative means such as a charter of rights [] through to particular resources as social rights deemed to be essential to the exercise of citizenship, though there are strong and contrasting views about the value and legitimacy of such an approach.

Alternatively, social rights could be less formal in nature, simply providing the framework for public discussion about the rights necessary for the exercise of citizenship. The following section will outline some possible principles and policies that could be included in a citizenship-based social inclusion agenda. What would a truly inclusive social policy, understood as an expression of social citizenship, look like in practice? Ideally, it would seek to combine the concepts of social inclusion and social citizenship, using the relative strengths of each to address weaknesses or gaps in the other, to produce what might be called inclusive social citizenship.

This would be an approach to social policy based on the concepts of social rights and participation and which seeks to remain as inclusive as possible thereby avoiding any exclusionary tendencies associated with the concepts of social inclusion, in particular, and social citizenship. As suggested above, the precise elements of inclusionary social citizenship would be a matter for continuing negotiation through public discourse. While certain principles and core rights and responsibilities may provide an essential basis and framework for the agenda, many of the concerns of such an approach would be rightly up for grabs.

This is as it should be and would help to ensure that the agenda remained open to new issues, ideas and challenges and, thus, vital and relevant. Nevertheless, based on this paper s considerations, it is possible to identify a number of areas in which inclusive social citizenship could contribute to social policy. As discussed above, the absence of a coherent theoretical core limits the capacity of social inclusion to contribute to the development of a framework to underpin social policy. In contrast, the concept of social citizenship provides a coherent and widely understood if at times only implicitly framework based on the idea of rights.

The central idea of social citizenship, social rights, is itself integrated within the broader framework of civil and political rights. As discussed above, the social citizenship approach argues that civil, political and social rights have developed since the 18 th century, with each integral to the enjoyment of the other. Nevertheless, as noted above, the concept of social rights has never played much more than a peripheral role in the development of Australian social policy. Arguably, many Australians conceive of access to social policy institutions such as the health, education and social security systems as something akin to rightful.

However, it is not clear that people are comfortable or familiar with the notion that such institutions can be formally conceived of as social rights carrying the same status as civil and political rights. This presents some problems with social citizenship in terms of the concept s ability to contribute to a framework for Australian social policy. However, it could be that the emergence of the concept of social inclusion may add some momentum to the development of a culture of social rights in Australia.

It is clear that social inclusion has helped to focus increased attention on issues such as disadvantage, marginality, inequality and poverty and the kinds of policies needed to address them. It has also directed attention towards the issue of participation though, this has largely been in terms of economic participation. Further, the concept of social inclusion has created the grounds for fundamental discussions about how such policies can be meaningful, effective and enduring. One possible mechanism for achieving meaningful, effective and enduring social policy approaches is through the concept of social citizenship and the development of a culture of social rights.

As noted above, policies aimed at bringing about social inclusion have tended to focus on bringing about change at the micro-level through enhanced joined-up models of service delivery and a more sophisticated understanding of the multiple sources of disadvantage. This is a valuable development, and one that draws on a range of sources, including critiques of welfare state bureaucracies and developments in poverty studies that identify and focus on multiple sources of disadvantage.

The particular value of policy focused at this level is that it is potentially inclusive of a broader and more specific range of issues related to the problem of poverty and marginality. In this respect, it may be seen as complementary to the concept of social citizenship, which does not concern itself with such matters. Instead, social citizenship focuses mainly on the institutions capable of overcoming class-based and other structural forms of disadvantage.


The discussion above has highlighted the absence within most discussions of social inclusion of acknowledgement of the deeper, structural causes of social exclusion that is, the macro-level. The concept of social citizenship, on the other hand, focuses attention squarely on the macro-social sources of disadvantage and the types of social institutions necessary for addressing them.

Among other things, social citizenship raises the question of what should be the role of the state in tackling the bases, and not simply the symptoms, of disadvantage. Political and economic debates for several decades have been premised on the virtues of small government and the withering away of the state as part of globalisation. The question is: Does the interventionist response by international governments to the global financial crisis mean looking differently at these issues?

The micro-social approach of social inclusion provides very little assistance in addressing such questions. Arguably, an effective and robust approach to social policy should seek to link, as far as possible, the micro- and macro-arenas of policy. An inclusive social citizenship approach could provide one way of connecting these two arenas. As noted above, policies framed in terms of social inclusion have focused strongly on paid employment in ensuring that citizens are able to participate in society.

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However, a citizenship based approach to social inclusion would recognise that there are more ways to participate in society than simply through the labour market. That is, social inclusion is about more than just enabling people to enter into paid employment but also encompasses a diversity of ways of contributing, participating and belonging to society.

In this respect, a focus on the broader concept of work , rather than simply paid employment, may prove useful. As one study of social exclusion in Europe found:. People do not accept charity easily. They do not want to be dependent. They would rather have a chance to earn a decent living not necessarily by wage labour or forced work for the community, but by work like reproduction work in the family or in networks of association , they see as needed and meaningful. One way of acknowledging forms of participation beyond paid employment would be to introduce a guaranteed minimum income or citizen income for all, paid in recognition of all approved forms of participation.

Critics of such an approach have generally pointed to the likely high cost and lack of public support for schemes of this kind. Nevertheless, a public debate about the merits of such a scheme would at least focus attention on the need to find some way of adequately recognising the range of forms of participation as part of efforts to address social exclusion.

Further, it should be noted that employment is not by itself a guarantee of inclusion. As numerous authors have argued, the relationship of many people to the labour market is a tenuous and exploitative one; indeed, they are socially excluded by virtue of their labour market participation. What then is the proper role of governments in mediating between people and employment? Is there a middle path between the view that governments should not allow people to become excluded through dependency on the welfare state and the view that governments should not be in the business of excluding people from welfare in order to cause them to enter into sometimes marginal paid employment?

One possible way forward would be to seek, as much as possible, to avoid this dilemma in the first place by ensuring that there has been sufficient investment in resources such as education, training, employment services and possibly even employment creation. As suggested above, this would also include investment in and utilisation of the range of forms of participation beyond the labour market. Such an approach can be thought of as provision of the infrastructure necessary for both preventing exclusion and facilitating participation that is, as social citizenship.

Along these lines, some authors have argued that social policy should be conceived in terms of social investment. Proponents of this idea argue that social policy is an investment in human capital that is, through, for example, strong education and health systems and inclusive and cohesive societies.

As such, welfare is conceived as an investment aimed at overcoming what are essentially problems of poor human capital development poor education and health, social and economic marginalisation that themselves place limits on productivity and economic growth. An approach to social policy of this kind would appear to be consistent with what this paper has called a citizenship-based social inclusion framework. As suggested in the previous section, it would not necessarily imply a significant expansion in the welfare state but rather a refocusing of resources on strategies and institutions aimed at preventing exclusion and facilitating participation.

An important feature of such an approach could be a greater focus through the social security system on the redistribution of resources across the life course in order to assist people to cope with risks associated with transitions across the life course for example, raising children or participating in further education. In this connection, Secretary of the Treasury, Ken Henry, has recently foreshadowed the possibility of changes to the family payments system that would provide greater support to those with younger children and which would be strongly complementary with the delivery of health and other services for families with children.

Notions of obligation and responsibility have been central to social policy debates in recent years for example, reforms based around the concept of mutual obligation in the area of welfare payments. In such debates, obligations and rights have frequently been portrayed as inherently in conflict. Discussions of the concept of social inclusion are largely silent on such matters, though the focus on paid employment could be taken to indicate that the primary obligation in society is for the unemployed to find employment.

An approach based around the concept of citizenship suggests the possibility for a broader and more fruitful discussion. The concept of citizenship implies not only the rights that can be claimed by citizens against the state but also highlights the relationship between citizens, including the impact of the use of social resources on other citizens. The sorts of responsibilities that should be considered consistent with social citizenship rights would need to be negotiated. While one would expect discussions about the appropriate range of responsibilities associated with social rights to be strongly contested and indeed controversial , discussion of such matters in the context of citizenship the responsibilities owed to and impact of one s actions on one s fellow citizens could at least provide a useful starting point.

As discussed above, social exclusion can be a reflection of people s choices. However, while some wealthy people's choices to exclude themselves for example, through living in gated communities [] are deemed acceptable, those of many poor or separate people are not. The existence of different forms of exclusion may be seen as raising the hitherto largely neglected question of whether or not people both wealthy and poor may be obliged to be included. The concept of social citizenship, with its emphasis on responsibilities owed by citizens to one another, provides one way of beginning to address such issues.

If social exclusion is viewed in a holistic sense as posing a threat to social cohesion and order, and as highlighting people's obligations as a whole, then arguably, efforts at social inclusion should themselves be inclusive. That is, they should focus on all those people who actively exclude themselves. If, on the other, hand people regard some forms of self-exclusion as appropriate and others as not, then some thought needs to go into what might constitute acceptable forms of self-exclusion and what forms are unacceptable.

Along these lines, Georg Vobruba has argued for the possibility that there are bad and good kinds of exclusion, as well as bad and good inclusion. Those arguing from the Anglo-liberal tradition discussed above, may suggest that self exclusion by the wealthy is both consistent with the idea of society as made up of autonomous individuals seeking to maximise their interests and a necessary aspiration for driving social development.

Alternatively, those arguing from the more solidaristic, communitarian or egalitarian perspective would most likely focus on the impact of such exclusion on the strength of social bonds and quality of social relationships. Furthermore, from an ecological point of view, some would ask whether it remains a viable strategy for individuals to conceive of themselves as having separate interests from their fellow citizens and the environment.

The important point is that social citizenship provides a framework for the consideration of an issue that is largely neglected in most attempts to outline the concept of social inclusion. As noted above, the concept of social inclusion carries the implication of passivity on the part of the excluded. That is, the basic model is one in which the excluded are brought into the fold by the included.

Arguably, a commitment to social inclusion suggests the need for opportunities for excluded people to participate as far as possible in such matters. In that sense, the concept of social citizenship with its focus on the activation of social rights offers greater promise than does the concept of social inclusion. Central to a more inclusive, social citizenship approach would be opportunities for citizens to participate in the design and setting of objectives and priorities of social institutions such as the public health and education system.

Some observers have suggested that forms of deliberative democracy such as citizens juries for example, on the issue of priority setting in the health system can play a role in enhancing citizen participation both at the local and national levels. The concept of social inclusion has a number of definitional and conceptual problems that limit its capacity to serve as a framework for the development of social policy. This is not to say that the concept is without its merits, or that its deficiencies cannot be addressed.

However, this paper has argued that, without further development and clarification, the concept s potential for making serious and lasting inroads into social disadvantage and marginality is likely to go unrealised. The main problem with social inclusion is that it lacks a clear conceptual core, that is, something that could give it the grounding necessary to ensure that exclusion could be tackled in a fundamental way.

This paper has suggested that an effective means to bolster the social inclusion concept and agenda would be to locate it within a contemporary and reflexive social citizenship framework. To do so would be to address a number of the limitations of social inclusion identified in this paper. At the same time, through its emphasis on equal membership of, and full and active participation in, the community, a social citizenship framework could significantly broaden the scope and ambition of social inclusion.

Given the traditionally egalitarian inclinations of Australian society, the notion of equality of status that is at the heart of social citizenship may well find strong resonance in the Australian community. For example, there has long been a campaign for a Bill of Rights in Australia, with one of the most prominent advocates being George Williams. Daniel Beland makes the point that this form of social assistance is defined as a right of citizenship and as an active, contractual form of assistance, in contrast to the punitive concept of workfare that became dominant in the US and, later, in Britain.

The RMI is said by Beland to create a sense of reciprocal obligations between the state and the beneficiary. As such, it is the role of the state to assist unemployed people to return to the labour market, rather than simply to provide minimal financial support. It could also be said to be the responsibility of unemployed people to return to the labour market as soon as possible. D Beland, The social exclusion discourse: ideas and policy change , Policy and Politics , vol.

H Silver, Social exclusion and social solidarity: three paradigms , International Labour Review , vol. See D Beland, op. H Silver, op. Also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. These were: facilitating participation in employment and access to resources and rights, goods and services for all citizens for example, social protection, housing, health care, education, justice and culture ; preventing the risks of exclusion by preserving family solidarity, preventing over-indebtedness and homelessness and promoting inclusion; helping the most vulnerable for example, the persistently poor, children and residents of areas marked by exclusion ; and mobilising all relevant bodies by promoting participation and self-expression of the excluded and partnerships, and mainstreaming their concerns.

D Finn, op. See, for example, D Beland, The social exclusion discourse: ideas and policy change , Policy and Politics , vol. Daly and Silver argue that this shift suggests first, an attempt to sound positive instead of negative , pronouncing a goal rather than describing a problem. Second, inclusion is the implied antonym of exclusion, but in fact may connote something quite different. Inclusion calls attention to the supposed opportunity and openness of society, beckoning outsiders in, whereas exclusion points at exclusionary mechanisms of society, its potential breakdown, disorder or incoherence.

M Daly and H Silver, op. Peter Saunders has similarly noted that it is possible to give social exclusion a more positive connotation, by referring to social inclusion rather than social exclusion. South Australia. Australian Government, Social inclusion a compendium of social inclusion indicators : how s Australia faring? Peter Saunders makes a similar observation with regard to different understandings of social exclusion, according to national and ideological context. Saunders argues that it is no accident that the notion of social exclusion has exerted its greatest influence in Europe [with its conservative and social democratic traditions] but has had less impact in countries like Australia and the United States.

The focus on poverty in these latter countries reflects their commitment to an Anglo-Saxon tradition that emphasises individual autonomy within a market economy and sees social policy in largely residual terms. The liberal critique of the welfare state has traditionally argued that government activity in the area of welfare effectively crowds out activities that should rightly be the preserve of voluntary associations.

This is held to undermine natural forms of social cohesion. David Byrne suggests that the term social inclusion depoliticises inequality even more than does the weak version of social exclusion. This is because, linguistically, it focuses on the supposed solution, rather than drawing attention to the problem. This is to be distinguished from mere absence of participation, which may be a matter of choice. See P Saunders, op. P Saunders, op. While there are a number of different and frequently competing conceptions of poverty, it has generally been argued that these concepts share one element in common.

Each understanding of poverty has it that people who live in poverty live in a state of deprivation, a condition in which their standard of living falls below some minimum acceptable standard. It is further agreed that poverty can be broadly defined in absolute or relative terms. In the case of absolute poverty, this refers to people who lack life s most basic requirements.

With the exception of a very small number of Australians and especially Indigenous Australians such a definition does not apply in Australia. Instead, poverty in Australia is generally understood to be relative poverty. According to this definition, people are considered to be in poverty if their living standards fall below an overall community standard, and they are unable to participate fully in the ordinary activities of society.

For example, the focus by some governments on work force participation, to the exclusion of other possible forms of participation. For example, Daly and Silver argue that the persuasive yet vague character of social exclusion was crucial in enabling political actors to mobilise around it in the context of the EU. It needs to be recognised, however, that the building of broadly based coalitions on the strength of an ill-defined concept could prove to be a double-edged sword. Social exclusion has both subjective and objective elements and, as a result, there is the potential for all people to feel vulnerable to exclusion, or to feel excluded from something.

Robert Goodin similarly argues that we need to recognise the productive contribution to society made by many people who do not participate in paid labour. A challenging dichotomy emerges: the philanthropic action based on postmodern values prestige building, information society, individual expression promoting innovation and dynamism overwhelms the traditional philanthropic action based on Christian morality orienting itself towards the relief of social dysfunction provision of social care. The paradox lies in the fact, that the historical origin of philanthropic action is based namely on Christian morality.

However, in nowadays philanthropic action appears from the reversed side: it gives priority to individual expression, communal bonds building and prestige achievement, but not social care and assistance in case of deprivation. Our study dwells on interpretation how concrete manifestations of the above mentioned dichotomy in philanthropic action is shaped by the agent's biography, political and civic value attitudes, one's experience in philanthropic action.

In Turkey most people prefer to save foreign exchange rather than the domestic currency. Besides we do not have an accurate information how many people keep their savings at home. In this situation the social effects are very significant as well as the economic effects. The aim which underpins the paper is that what kind of factors affect people to save foreign exchange. Saving habits are not only shaped economic factors so we need to determine historical, cultural and social factors. Author s : Francois Collet.

This paper is a critical review of Mark Granovetter's theoretical view on the sociological analysis of economic life. Rather than a comprehensive record of the content and evolution of Granovetter's theoretical work, the main intent is to contribute to discussions on some issues of general interest in the epistemological debate on the sociological analysis of economic life.

I examine the role of self-interest as a basic theoretical block and the influence of social networks as moderators. I also look at the mediating role of social networks in the formation social norms I discuss the possibility of considering structural effects other than network effects without regressing to a substantialist analysis criticised rightly by Granovetter and other structural analysts such as Burt.

I argue that the automatic inclusion by Granovetter of a calculative disposition to allocate scarce resources in the analysis of economic action is epistemologically unfounded and incompatible with his intent to address the limitations of economic models. Whilst any model of action, whether designed by an economist or a sociologist, should aim at the highest possible level of generality, the critical examination of the conditions of validity of the assumptions is necessary for progress in the scientific understanding of economic activities I conclude that the inclusion of a self-interest factor should be the result of an analysis defining its social and historical conditions of validity rather than an unreflexive operation.

The recent reforms in Russia oriented at the positive goals of forming market relationships not always achieve the expected results. One of its alarming consequences is mass involvement of the population in the sphere of informal economy. In this condition the specific survival strategies are forming and different social practices of informal economy are used. The paper is based on the material of in-depth interviews with St.

Petersburg families. The analysis allowed to find specific forms of this involvement and to interpret them as different forms of behavior in the process of adaptation to market relations. The framework of the interpretation of the notion of informal economy and activity allowed including in it both the traditional forms of informal relations and the new present-day ones. Informal economical activity is a consequence of intensive entering the market and as well of absence of elaborated effective legislate base. One of the main conclusions: the macro-economical movements may be counter-productive when they result in growth of most people's discontent with the existing conditions of life, in disrespectful attitude and distrust to the activity of the state authorities.

Even most progressive reforms can not be of creative character if they will not be understood and supported by most of the population. Loss of confidence "everybody in everybody", failures of the reforms resulted in reinforcement of the principle of permissiveness and disrespect for the law. The destructive tendencies in the transformation of the society become more and more obvious, and hamper any possibilities of taking constructive decisions.

Author s : Gertraude Mikl-Horke. Diffusion of management innovation studies are usually based on communication theory. The new economic sociological perspective offers a view more relevant to this particular item of diffusion. The dynamic potential of diffusion research can contribute in its turn to grasp the present change processes in our societies more adequately.

The view presented includes institutional and power network approaches as well as a conception of a special market for the diffusion of management innovations. This should make it possible to understand how the aspects of legitimacy and routinization of change, the power aspects of relations within and between firms and the interests of the actors in the diffusion market work together.

Author s : Gry Mette Dalseng Haugen. Several studies have addressed the significance of money in understanding the consequences of divorce. The economic consequences for children has been primarily described using terms like 'loss of economic capital', 'economic hardship' or 'economic deprivation'. In this paper I examine and theorize complex relations and trade-offs among money and love, arguing that children's viewpoint can illuminate the question of money in post-divorce families in new and insightful ways.

I argue that children point's of view challenge the traditional sociological division between money and love as two separate spheres. The analysis is inspired by ideas about economic sociology put forward by Marcia Millman and Viviana Zelizer. By focusing the meaning of money, and how money becomes a currency for both love and care, I make the argument with both empirical examples and theoretical discussion The findings presented in this paper are from interviews with both children and parents in post-divorce families.

I also draw upon information from a regional Norwegian survey to show how issues from the interviews fit into a larger picture Keywords: Money, divorce, children's perspective. Much of the discussion about welfare states and varieties of capitalism starts from typologies, ordering capitalisms and welfare states according to various criteria associated with nation states and their political traditions: Liberal and coordinated market economies Soskice , liberal, social democratic and conservative welfare state regimes Esping-Andersen , etc. However, recent European experience seems to suggest that both economic and social policy performance vary much more with country size than with anything else.

In the paper, I will first describe the differences in performance between small and big countries in Europe. Then I will examine attempts to explain these differences by economists, political scientists and sociologists. Most of them are too narrow, explaining the positive performances of some countries, but not those of others.

I will suggest a more general explanation, relying on differences in communication patterns. These communication patterns allow small country agents to overcome coordination problems more easily than in big countries, thus increasing their capacities of adaptive institutional innovation.

Issues related to Intellectual Property have recently come to the fore linked to essential conflicts in advanced industrial societies. However, a few works have been made from a strictly sociological point of view. In this paper we suggest a new way of dealing with them. First, we locate the conflicts within its appropiate historical framework the commercialization of the ideas and the immaterial work, the cultural industries and mass consumption, the new technologies of information and Internet, the status of the authors in Culture and Science, the regulation of the cultural field, etc.

Second we provide with a sociological context to understand the conflict in which we observe the struggle between an individualist economic logic ideas as commodities, private author's rights, copyrights, patents and trademarks, etc. Although current Intellectual Property policies are strengthening legal protection we are currently in a moment of re-definition and choice of the models of cultural regulation that will deeply affect the core of our social forms of living. We finally propose a connection between Economic Sociology and Sociological Theory trough a renewal of the "forgotten" Conflict Theory in Contemporary Sociology -.

Author s : Ingo Bode. The future embedding of economic transactions in the field of old age provision How society is managing old age is going to become a major problem of social integration in the western world. Inspired mainly by demographic concerns, current debates especially address institutional forms of old age provision, understood as a set of technical means by which a given society is supporting people at the age of retirement or in need of socio-medical care. Historically, the related economic transactions have adopted varying forms.

A vast proportion of these transactions were processed within private systems of social reciprocity. To some degree, and increasingly, organisations of civil society have been involved, especially in the field of eldercare. More importantly, saving for retirement became socialized for a large part of the working classes, be it by social insurances, be it by company pension plans For some years now, and on an international scale, larger sections of old age provision are transferred to the market, entailing an intrusion of 'the economy', more concretely, of commercial agency into the societal organization of old age The British case is emblematic for this, but even in traditional welfare states such as France and Germany, privatisation is underway, at least partially.

Old age is going to be 'traded' on welfare markets Form a sociological point of view, however, the social character of markets matter. Generally, markets are embedded in a non-market order. Markets of social welfare are supposed to be ruled by a multitude of particular non-market orientations, linked for instance to the normative legacy of the welfare state and to civic actors who had been its promoters. Framing elements such as trust, equity, need, voice, protection against accidents can be figured out as constitutive or regulative forces.

These elements serve as references for economic transactions e. The paper argues for an economic sociology of welfare markets as an important agenda for future theory and research, in order to find out by what kind of social mechanisms old age is going to be managed by a post-welfare-state society. Author s : Jani Erola. Previous research results have shown that some people choose to work even if welfare benefits would guarantee them higher income than the low-income work.

What explains this? Are the ones working with low income valuing working so much more positively than being without work that they choose to work even if they were better off as unemployed? Or do they just pay more attention to other risks connected to being outside normal employment, being thus more risk- aware than other persons? If compared to low-income workers, are the persons in the households without work or capital income more clearly instrumentally oriented, choosing not to work because of sufficient income even without spending their time in working? These assumptions are studied with Finnish national-level survey data 'Finland '.

In order to test the hypotheses, the dimensions of rationality of action are derived empirically from a set of attitude variables. The low-income workers are compared to persons in families without work or capital income as their main source of income, as well as to rest of population outside these two groups. The effects of important background variables, such as gender and family structure, are also considered While there has been some research on disincentive effects of different types of welfare subsidies on working, the comparison of economically 'irrational' workers and 'rational welfare-freeriders' has not been conducted before.

Theoretically the paper follows recent suggestions for 'weberian' version of sociological rational action theory. The question how to regulate the bequest of wealth has been an issue of great controversy in modern societies over the last years. In this paper I analyze the discursive structures of inheritance law debates in France, Germany and the United States. I argue in the first part that in each country a distinct sets of issues and arguments have developed that exercise a dominant influence over the perception of the problems associated with the transfer of wealth mortis causa and the strategies deemed feasible to solve them.

These culturally framed "notions of property" remain stable over long periods of time and shape discourses on inheritance law. They equip actors with culturally legitimated patterns of justification for the support or opposition to specific measures. In the second part of the paper I look at the actual development of one important field of inheritance law, estate taxation.

I will describe the enduring differences which developed with regard to inheritance taxation and ask how this institutional development can be explained. Considering the distinct discursive structure in each of the three countries, it is looked at the contribution of the cultural frames to the legal changes.

This shall help to analyze institutional development within a pluralistic theoretical framework that acknowledges the influence of culture, but also considers functional demands as well as economic and social interests. Author s : Kate Purcell and Peter Elias. Since the s, social theorists have anticipated the growth of 'the knowledge society', where the increasing importance of information, communication and technological expertise would lead to increased demand for highly-skilled and highly educated workers.

In the UK - as in most developed and developing countries - successive government policies have significantly extended provision of and participation in higher education. How have these changes manifested themselves in terms of employment opportunities for highly qualified and less well-qualified labour market entrants? Drawing on detailed work history and interview data from a sample survey of over 4, respondents who completed undergraduate degrees in at 38 UK higher education institutions, surveys of graduates who completed their studies before the expansion of higher education, national cohort studies and labour force surveys spanning the last 25 years, we investigate change in early graduate career profiles and, most particularly, the occupational distribution of the sample.

What do graduates do? On the basis of analysis of the survey data and accounts by graduates of their work roles and labour processes, we introduce a new classification of graduate jobs, and discuss the different labour market access inherent in different types of degree course and the implications of higher education expansion for opportunities more widely.

Is the concept of 'the knowledge society' useful in discussion of occupational change at the start of the 21st century? The paper is devoted to the reflections on changes of people's attitudes toward money and monetary relations, which have been taking place since market economy started developing in the post-Soviet space.

It is commonplace that in the Soviet society there was a big deal of exchange economy, blat practices exchange of favors , investments of personal and family resources in household's economies due to shortage and limited access to goods and services. Recent studies and daily life observations clearly show that in post-Soviet society the accent has shifted to lack of cash and access to well-paid jobs. Money became more valuable in economic as well as in social meaning and the American model of success expressed in wealth seems to be dominate. This topic in post-Soviet context was already partly touched by some social networks researchers, and the influence of monetary relations on solidarity relations was grasped already by theoreticians of modernization.

However, this market consciousness has not seized all people equally: attitudes toward money, importance of economic stratification and extent of involvement in monetary relations depend upon many factors, among them can be named income, carrier of mobility, occupation, lifestyle values, etc. The questions to be discussed are follows: how the rapid socio-economic transformation into market society with a result of preoccupation of society with money has been influencing 1 people's everyday practices of treating money, 2 social networks, 3 making of social boundaries, i.

Author s : Kirsi Vainio-Korhonen. It seems that there were gender differences in this respect. The majority of the female business starters whom I have studied were either middle-aged or approaching it, their median age being 41 years. Their male counterparts started their businesses at a clearly younger age, their median age being 36 years.

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The modal age of men was as much as ten years lower than the respective female value. Thus for the women in my study entrepreneurship was a phenomenon associated with ageing whereas this was not the case as regards men Why were most of female business starters middle-aged? Why were so many of them married or widowed? For many women employment in factories and shops, for example, was no longer accessible once they got married.

Self-employment may also have been an alternative for wage-earning work lost at the brink of middle age. Moreover, only later in their lives women could shift the focus of their entrepreneurial activities to the public domain or to open air. It seems that entrepreneurship was often a way of life that matched with the needs of ageing women. The paper suggests that entrepreneurship and self-employment provided an alternative for women who for reasons such as ageing, deteriorated physical condition, marriage or childbearing were losers in the labour market.

My paper will discuss the connection between social capital and social enterprises in three ways: 1: Relating to the growing impact of social economy in Europe. The paper discusses the results from af study undertaken by the European Research Network EMES on social enterprises and social entrepreneurship in Europe.

The research question of this paper could be formulated as follows: To what extent have changes related to the increasing labour force participation of women over time in combination with changes in the processes of household formation contributed to an increase or decrease in earnings inequality among households, and how can differences across countries be explained?

The extent and manner in which women's labour supply and their earnings can contribute to reinforcing or rather softening these inequalities is the ultimate objective of the paper. To do so, I take into account not only changes related to the increase in the amount of labour that they supply, but also to changes in the processes of household formation the changes in the composition of households and the trends in assortative mating and the different incentives to participate in the labour market that women in different types of households face The paper presents an overview of the major changes in the distribution of earned income among households for six European countries and the U.

Moreover, it assesses the impact of different explanatory factors on this distribution over time Using data from the Luxembourg Income Study, a counterfactual analysis is carried out, considering what would have hypothetically happened to earnings distribution in the latest point in time if certain relevant factors especially women's educational level and labour participation, earnings correlation between spouses, marriage rate had remained unchanged at the level of a previous point in time.

The method that is used, Kernel density estimation, rather than estimating changes in the average value of the distribution, focuses on the estimation of the density of the whole distribution, what provides better leverage about where in the earnings distribution the above mentioned factors had a major effect. The theory of agency in economics shows the mechanism of transmittal of principal's interests to the agent so he becomes the principal's perfect proxy. The "separation of ownership and control" vanishes and an organizational equilibrium results. The sociological theory of agency explains how individuals become attracted to collective objectives Superficially, these approaches are poles apart: one explains how to make an individual an instrument of profit-maximizing stakeholders; the other explains how individuals dissolve into social identities The sociological vision of agency is simply broader than its economic counterpart.

Weber, for example, asked under what circumstances a utilitarian paradigm becomes the dominant form of a social identity. When such situation occurs, the problem of agency is no longer, as economists maintain, one of eliminating social motivations because they "contaminate" the purity of individual's rational behavior. If it were the case, the principal of a perfect agent would now plunge into a contradiction as he would be incenting the agent to doing what he would have done anyway Sociological theory of agency does not explain the sources of economic individualism.

The strong embeddedness position in economic sociology explains all human agency forms. It relates human economic behavior to social norms, particularly distributive principles.

Social determinants of health inequalities: towards a theoretical perspective using systems science

An utilitarian order is a version of a distributive order, hence economic behavior can be socially subordinated to it, although through a very special mechanism, namely quasi-embeddedness. Sections: 1. Embeddedness thesis; 2. Extra-economic, non-contractual conditions of human action in classical sociology; 3.

Agency in economics and sociology; 4. Author s : Lise Skov. This paper examines the recent trend for fur in terms of a market repositioning which has been carried out in response to the anti-fur campaigns of the s. It traces the trajectory of the mink coat from its rise in the early part of the 20th century to its fall in the s when it was attacked as a wasteful form of cruelty to animals. The connotation of bourgeois femininity is a powerful undercurrent that has, in fact, attracted critics throughout the era of the fur coat.

The present revival of fur is based on innovative usage in garments, trimmings and accessories as a part of the overall fashion trend. In some respects, the fur business has taken over anti-fur arguments in launching fur as the ultimate natural fibre, a second skin. Furthermore, the paper analyses the repositioning of fur in terms of the transformation of commodity chains.

Special attention will be paid to the role played by the Copenhagen fur auctions and their marketing branch, Saga that has worked consistently to teach designers fur techniques. The paper concludes with reflections on where power is located in contemporary fashion production. The economic and social theory of the last centuries is founded on the basis of the national state and the national societies. Today we observe phenomena, which show that the social framework of the nation-state becomes obtuse. Productivity with the most various technical, electronic, administrative, psychological and cultural dimensions is an international slogan.

The rationalism that Max Weber refers to develops in an intensive and generalized way in the company, the monopoly and the multinational enterprises, whose wide capital reproduction focuses on more internationalized models. Capitalism changes into an empirical, specific international system of production and culture and reforms all types of the social structure.

In the same dynamics the national state changes, the importance of the area it represents and the aims it pursues change too. Of course, the national state continues to be related to the markets expansion, to the free transfer of the production factors, to the participation of the less developed areas in wider social formations. Today the development or under development of a country owes more to the position it occupies in the international division of labor hierarchy and less to the pace of its economic enlargement. In the era of globalization the dynamics of capital expanded reproduction has not abolished dependency and imperialism.

On the contrary it has caused the intense concentration of economic power, which does not preclude the prospect of poverty spreading in the world. The distance between the developed and underdeveloped countries is growing despite considerable efforts to achieve, a phenomenon that needs to be explained. After 20 years of political stability and decentralization in Spain, regional development dynamics have taken both converging and diverging directions. Regional Governments since the mid 80s have undertaken most of the industrial and education policies, and have also deployed important innovation and skill-training policy initiatives.

Similarly, regional societies have experienced slow but important structural changes, especially in institutional and organizational terms. In this paper I analyse how and why there have been constituted in this period different socio-institutional systems of industrial economies in the Basque Country and Catalonia, the two most industrialized regions in Spain. First, I present the theoretical frame of the evolutionary socio-institutional system of industrial economies, which integrates governance and neo-corporatist theories with economic institutional sociology.

Second, based on a historical qualitative methodology, two instances are analysed: a the evolution of industrial, education and innovation policies developed by the regional governments, focusing especially on the differing pattern of industrial cluster policy in both regions during the 90s; and b the evolution of the associational organization of industrial interests since the recovery of the association law in , focusing on the dynamics of industrial and professional sectors. Third, I analyse how the mutual interplay between these two factors has resulted in two different forms of regional economic governance: an industrial civil society form in Catalonia, and a dual government-industry form in the Basque Region.

Finally, it is concluded that societies learn to organize their socio- economic and industrial development under institutional and organizational factors. Author s : Maria Nawojczyk. The process of transformation from centralized and managed economy to market economy in Poland was and still is organized by the state. The state authorities are establishing the market institutions, setting the nwe laws and regulations, privatizing state-owned enterprises Nevertheless, the continuing process of systemic changes should lead to the eruption of individual activity in economy.

Two millions newly established private businesses are proof of these expectations. This emerging sector of economy stimulates the debate on the role of small business in capitalist economy Based on 50 in-depth interviews, conducted last summer in Poland among self-employed owners of small businesses, I would like to discuss the issue of them being 'the essence of capitalism'. Regarding their educational backgroud and work experience as well as their understanding the role of market economy, I will argue that their decission of self-employment is rather a survival strategy than embodiment of entrepreneurial attitudes.

This I will elaborate on the examples of their everyday work and their way of do business Therefore, their importance in transforming economy is rather social than economic nature. They will not contribute to growing and stregthening market economy but they contribute to changing attitudes of individuals, from seeking support from the state toward being independent and self-reliant.

The dominant tradition in economic research recognises the importance of social relationships just like a general principle. This is the situation even if there is a general consensus among economists about the social character of economics. Therefore, social links are rarely considered in economic theories and models. However, there could be a change in few years. This paper discusses the relevance of the social capital concept to connect diverse disciplines, and mainly to link economic and sociological research.

This link comes from the recognition of social capital as one of the engines for economic development, as a determinant factor for the results that firms, organisations, regions and nations can reach. In this paper there is a critique to the application of social capital as another quantitative variable to be included in the production function.

Therefore, we propose the application of social network analysis methodology to the economic research. The objective is to identify individuals and institutions as social actors embedded in a complex relationship net, and therefore moving away from the orthodox economic analysis. The social network methodology is based on a structural analysis and on the embeddedness concept Granovetter, From this methodological perspective it is possible to analyse main economic questions, like the market functioning, the consumer behaviour and the conditions for growth and development, by considering the social context of individuals and institutions.

Author s : Marie-France Garcia-Parpet. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the role of classifications in market dynamics, using French wines as an example, in the context of globalisation. Economic and sociological literature emphasises the advantages of classifications, which by providing a clear, codified view of product quality, allow the consumer to be better informed. This in turn helps minimise the risk of poor sales and creates opportunities for producers by establishing niche markets Those producers who undertake to certify their products can benefit from a new product image, thus solidifying their reputation.

A good example is the French regulatory system of designation of origin AOC , which ensures a socially established hierarchy of the different wine productions and their regions of origin What about the strategies of producers located in regions which do not benefit from an official classification, and who nonetheless make qualitative investments, whereas confidence has a direct impact on their economic tendencies?

What are the socio-historical conditions that might allow for new classification systems to be developed and that could provide for more competition between the various classification systems? To answer these questions, let us take the experience of two winegrowers in Languedoc-Roussillon discredited region of the South of France , who present very different social backgrounds-one comes from a traditional family and previously worked as a manufacturer in the luxury leather industry; the other is a simple.

It will be demonstrated that the first winegrower's social and cultural capital allowed him to make the most of the exceptional qualities of a soil that had been downgraded, in a region where the production has been largely discredited, and take advantage of foreign classifications in order to attain world renown. It will also be shown that this charismatic producer is at the origin of many winegrowing businesses whose managers lacked not so much in financial capital or technical know-how, but rather in confidence in the symbolic value of their product.

We will compare this experience with that of the second winegrower, who having much less social capital, has found his production downgraded by the newcomer winegrowers, who are for the most part executives-turned-viticulturists, and more familiar with the international market and its classifications. Author s : Marjatta Rahikainen. Using the studies of Claudia Golding and Lars Svensson as a theoretical frame of reference, this paper will discuss Finnish women's labour market behaviour up to the s by which it had become fairly similar with that of men.

In Finland women made the labour reserve while immigrant labour had no role. The paper addresses the following questions: when did women's job tenures became longer and more 'male-like'? The argument is based on a case study of Rosenlew Corporation, a Finnish manufacturing firm with a diversified product range.

In , when the managers were particularly concerned with the question of ageing employees, in Rosenlew there were women in 'blue-collar' jobs and in 'white-collar' jobs. For the period the registers over employees offer detailed enough information to allow comparison between i careers, job tenures, wage development and fringe benefits of male vs female employees, ii job tenures of women in clerical, manufacturing and cleaning work; and iii job tenures of single, widowed and married women.

I identify four constitutive parts of the question: I first ask how "transnational" employment by MNCs has become in terms of the composition of the professional workforce on the one hand, and of the individual career trajectory, on the other. Secondly, I inquire whether professionals at MNCs constitute a "group" with fundamental similarities in their employment experiences, so as to point at the formation of a class-in-itself.

Thirdly, I am interested in finding out if there is an "imagined community" of the MNC that informs the professionals' self-identification in a way that renders the group a class-for-itself. Finally, I seek to understand how the possible formation of a transnational class through MNC employment impinges on the ways professionals draw upon other pools of welfare and meaning, especially those tied to membership in national polities.

I pursue these questions in a comparative, multiple-site study within the context of the mobile telecommunications sector and include in the empirical investigation the high-skilled employees of Nokia of Finland, Ericsson of Sweden, and Motorola of the USA. The conference paper will deal with the case of Ericsson employees in Sweden, based on evidence collected during semi-structured, in-depth, face-to-face interviews in This type of markets captures central parts of today's Western economy.

The theory centers on aesthetic values. Aesthetic markets encompass marketing and design, and it is contrasted with industrial markets, which is production oriented. Markets are discussed in relation to global garment production, and especially the link between garment buyers and vendors. It is argued that one can disentangle the global economy by analysing it in terms of markets. We here study to what extent sociological variables like social networks and symbolic consumption influence economic variables like competition and prices.

The empirical setting is the clothing sector at the retail level, and managers in 18 Norwegian towns are interviewed. Here competition is expected to be particularly strong and we therefore mainly expect eceonomic explanatory variables to work. If sociological explanatory variables influence competition and prices in this setting, the sociological variables should work in other sectors as well.

Competition turns out not to be very strong at the local level. Social networks lead to a lower degree of price competition, but do not increase prices. Symbolic consumption increase prices at the retail level. The paper offers explanation of these findings. Based on these explanations we discuss research strategies for economic sociology.

We suggest that complementary articulation is more adequate than social construction, although some results indicate that a combination of the two strategies may be fruitful at times. Recently, the Finnish economy has been regarded as a good example of a dynamic information society, with a rapidly expanding high-tech sector. This picture is completely different than that of a one-sided, crisis-prone economy which prevailed some 10 to 15 years ago. In particular, Finland experienced a deep recession in the first half of the s; unemployment soared to one of the highest in the OECD area, and several welfare state cuts were implemented in the name of 'economic imperatives'.

However, the shift towards high-tech economic development was already underway, to be strengthening soon. The latter half of the s witnessed a rise of network production with rapidly increasing export markets, and researchers such as Manuel Castells have written on Finland as one of the leading information societies that also has maintained its welfare arrangements.

First, the time period under consideration is the 'long s' from mid- s to this year - otherwise many changes cannot be understood. Second, from a perspective of comparative sociological research, such underlying factors as the welfare state and social bonds as well as the extensive and decentralized system of education are emphasized This then comes close to the present discussions on the importance of 'social capital'.

Despite the importance and centrality of the tax system in today's advanced societies, Fiscal Sociology remains an undeveloped research field. Contrary to expectations, after Schumpeter's path breaking text - The Crisis of the Tax State - and some important works produced by Rudolf Goldscheid in the early s, the research area of fiscal sociology has failed to take-off.

Contemporary economic sociologists tend do discard the topic, concentrating their efforts on the study of markets, social capital, trust, networks, globalization, business groups or entrepreneurship. The state, its regulatory dynamics and the taxation mechanisms can be considered the weakest links in Economic Sociology. This neglect can easily be confirmed if we pay close attention to the shining handbooks, anthologies and textbooks published in recent years. All of them fail to dedicate chapters or sections to taxation and fiscal matters. In the United States, John Campbell and Richard Wagner have also been testing a sociological framework to the study of the tax system.

In this paper I'll claim that fiscal sociology is central to the development of a consistent project of Economic Sociology. Secondly, I will state the viability of extending some central theoretical concepts of the New Economic Sociology NES - such as embeddedness and imprinting - to fiscal issues. Thirdly, I will redefine the concept of tax culture in such a way as to reconcile it with the agenda of the NES.

Finally, I will propose several research avenues that can, eventually, give a new push to Fiscal Sociology.